Monthly Archives: January 2018

Everything you always wanted to know about a government shutdown

Now that the specter of a government shutdown is (once again) upon us, it’s probably a good idea to review what that actually means. I’ll do it question and answer style, hopefully in a way that seems natural.

What the heck is a “shutdown”?

The actual term is “funding gap” or “lapse in appropriations.” According to Article I, section 9 of the Constitution, no money can be drawn from the Treasury, except under appropriation made by law. That is, to say, the government can only spend money that it has been authorized to spend by law. And laws must be passed by Congress. So if the current appropriations expire and no new ones have been passed by Congress, then no money can be drawn from the Treasury. And that means, in the broadest sense, the government can’t pay for anything — salaries, supplies, etc. Which means, more or less, that the government has to cease operations, or shut down. As Matt Fuller reminded everyone yesterday, “shutdown” is a noun, don’t use it as a verb.

What do you mean “expire”?

Whenever Congress appropriates money, they indicate what period of time the money can be used. The vast majority of appropriations are annual, meaning they are for the period of one fiscal year. Some appropriations, such as money for construction projects, might be appropriated as multi-year. And some money appropriated by Congress is “no-year” money, meaning it can be spent at any time in the future, so long as it is used for its lawful purpose.

Annual appropriations are almost always provided by Congress for a period that runs from October 1 to September 30 of the following year. This is know as the fiscal year. Fiscal years are designated by the calendar year through which the appropriations provide for. So October 1, 2017 was the first day of Fiscal Year 2018, or FY2018.

Because Congress has not passed annual appropriations for FY2018, there may be a shutdown.

Wait, it’s January. Why are we dealing with this now?

Because Congress has been providing temporary FY2018 appropriations since October 1. There is another way to avoid a shutdown besides passing annual appropriations. And that is to pass what is called a continuing resolution (or CR), which is just a fancy term for a law that says, in effect, “money can be continued to be spent for a certain period of time while we work to get the annual appropriations bills passed.” Such a law can be written to cover any amount of time Congress desires. Indeed, a CR is just an appropriations bill of a different form.

CRs generally provide agencies with funding at the same rate they were receiving it in the previous year, in an across-the-board fashion. Sometimes an across-the-board rate reduction is included, or so-called anomalies that adjust individual accounts. But a CR, in principle and practice, is a very short law that works at an aggregate level and doesn’t consider details or changes in agency programs.

Congress has passed three such CRs this fiscal year. The first one provided funding from October 1 through December 8. The  second one provided funding through December 22. And the third one provided funding through January 19. It’s the expiration of the third one—at midnight tonight—that creates the possibility of a lapse in appropriations.

Note that Congress isn’t even considering passing actual FY2018 appropriations today; they are just considering another CR that would fund the government through February 16, with the hope that the appropriations bills could be completed by then.

So you could, in theory, have a CR that prevents an October 1 shutdown and goes through November 13, at which point a shutdown could start that lasts until a CR is passed on November 19, but then starts again on December 15 when that CR expires and goes until January 6 when full-year a appropriations are finally approved.  Indeed, this is exactly what happened in FY1996.

So when there is a shutdown, the whole government just stops operating?

Not exactly. Under the Constitution, no money can be drawn from from the Treasury. That is, no outlays of actual money to creditors. But the Constitution doesn’t prohibit the government from incurring obligations; the government is theoretically still free to enter into contracts, hire and employ labor, etc. They just can’t pay off these obligations. Kinda like if you had a credit card, but no ability to pay it at the end of the month because your checking account was frozen.

But my friend is a federal employee, and he’s not going to be allowed to go to work during a shutdown.

That’s right, because while the Constitution only prohibits disbursement, there’s a federal law (the Anti-Deficiency Act) that prohibits the obligation of federal money in the absence of an appropriation, with criminal penalties for agency heads who violate it. In effect, the ADA freezes the credit card, whereas the Constitution freezes the checking account. So if your friend’s agency had him come to work, it would be in violation of the Anti-Deficiency Act, because the agency would be obligating money without an appropriation, but it would not be in violation of the Constitution, because your friend’s salary would not be disbursed from the Treasury.

I don’t get this obligation / disbursement business. Explain.

When Congress appropriates money to an agency, it gives it to them as budget authority. That simply gives the agency an amount on a piece of paper, which is the amount of money that can legally obligate for lawful purposes. Say Congress provide $100 million in budget authority to an agency. It’s not like Treasury goes and dumps $100 million in cash or gold off at the agency. All the money is at Treasury.

So when the agency spends money, it doesn’t literally hand over cash to its employees or creditors, it simply enters into an obligation to pay them (be it salaries for employees or funds for capital purchases). The agency then notifies Treasury, and Treasury ultimately transfers the funds to the creditor.  I think the credit card / checking account analogy, while not actually perfect, is the best way to think about it. Congress gives each agency an amount on a credit card, which they are allowed to spend. But it’s all linked to one checking account, which is controlled by Treasury. The Constitution shuts off use of the checking account when no appropriation exists funding it. The Anti-Deficiency Act shuts off the credit card.

But now we’re back to the question: does the whole government just stop operating?

Nope. The Anti-Deficiency Act includes an exception for the “safety of human life or the protection of property.” Subsequent opinions of the Attorney General (found in appendices here), opinions of the DOJ Office of Legal Counsel, and guidance of GAO / Comptroller General have clarified what does and does not fall under this exception. In past shutdowns, OMB opinions have considered the following types of things to fall under the exception: military and national security, public safety such as air traffic control, care of patients in hospitals and prisoners in prisons (and wildlife at the national zoo), things necessary to protect federal property and continue the functions of the Treasury, and disaster relief, among other things. Under common sense interpretations, the heat can also be left on at federal buildings.

Don’t let all these exceptions distort the bottom line: if no appropriations bills have been enacted, the vast majority of  federal agencies will largely shut down, and sizable portion of the federal civilian workforce will be furloughed. You can see the percentages here.

Has this always been the case?

No. Prior to the Attorney General opinions in 1980 and 1981 (known as the Civiletti decisions), most agencies didn’t stop operating at all when there was a funding gap; they just liberally interpreted the ADA and decided Congress didn’t intend for them to cease operating. The 1980 and 1981 opinions took a much stricter view of the ADA; that’s really when the modern shutdowns began.

So some federal employees keep working and some do not?

Right. Those who must continue to go to work are called “excepted” (sometimes referred to as “essential.”) All others (“non-excepted” or “non-essential”) are furloughed.

Of course, this only applies if there is a lapse of appropriations; if a federal agency has a non-appropriated source of funding—such as a revenue stream they are, under law, allowed to draw money from—they can use that funding to avoid the need to shut down.

So the excepted employees still get paid?

Not during the shutdown. Remember, the exception only allows the government to obligate the money (i.e. put it on the credit card) without violating the Anti-deficiency Act. Until an appropriation is passed by law, the Constitution prohibits disbursement of the money by the Treasury. So yes, the soldiers will continue to work and continue to earn money, but they will not receive a check until an appropriation is passed by law. In effect, the government legally owes them money, but can’t pay them.

And the non-excepted employees will not get paid?

Yes and no. The government will not be incurring an obligation for the non-excepted employees, so they do not legally owe them anything. But in past shutdowns, Congress has typically passed legislation retroactively paying non-excepted federal employees for the period that they were furloughed.

What about transfer payments like Social Security?

Social Security is funded through a permanent appropriation, meaning that the benefits themselves are not affected by a shutdown. However, employees at the SSA could theoretically be non-excepted. In past shutdowns, OMB opinions have considered SSA employees required to process recipient benefits as excepted, and all checks have been sent out.

I thought there were usually 12 appropriations bills in Congress. What if half of them have passed?

You’d have a partial shutdown. The Constitution doesn’t require or concern itself with how Congress divides up its appropriations bills. If the State Department appropriations for FY2018 have been passed into law, then the shutdown doesn’t affect them whatsoever. This is not an uncommon situation; during the second shutdown in FY1996, some of the bills had been passed already. During the FY2014 shutdown in October 2013, some individual departments were funded and thus the shutdown ended for them.

Does the legislative branch operate during a shutdown?

If the Legislative Branch Appropriations Act is not passed, then the legislative branch is subject to the Anti-Deficiency Act and, of course, the Constitution. Under the 1980 and 1981 opinions of the Attorney General, and subsequent interpretations by GAO, there is an ADA exemption for employees involved in the performance of Constitutional duties of the president and Congress. This makes sense: it would be ridiculous to say the bill reading clerk in the House or the sergeant-at-arms in the Senate could not work when the reason they would be working would be to support the ending the shutdown and providing  the appropriations.

Members of Congress salaries’ are provided for by a permanent appropriation, so they never experience a funding lapse.

In the FY2014 shutdown, Congress left the decision of whether Hill staffers were necessary to the constitutional functioning of Congress to individual employing authority, which is most cases were the individual Members (in their offices) or committee chairs (for committee staff). Support services, such as the cafeterias, were not open. The Committee of House Administration provided detailed guidance on the matter in FY2014.

What about the Courts?

In general, the federal courts are subject to the Anti-Deficiency Act and obviously the Constitution. On a practical level, however, the courts have not had to deal with shutdowns because they have a large stream of non-appropriated funds: the filing fees paid by litigants and others accessing the court system. These fees provide enough of their annual budget such that even in the absence of an appropriations, the courts can go about two weeks without any disruption in activites. In FY2014, the courts operated more or less normally during the shutdown. If a prolonged shutdown occurred, court staff would ultimately have to be furloughed, which could result in postponement of litigation and also raise constitutional questions about due process and the speed of trials in criminal matters. The courts are obviously also affected by how a shutdown impacts the Department of Justice.

Federal judges are in an interesting situation in regard to a shutdown. Article III of the Constitution provides that judges shall “receive, for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.” This potentially creates a paradox in the constitution: treasury cannot constitutional disburse money, but the judges—in theory—must be paid. This has never been tested; because of the non-appropriated funds, no shutdown has ever affected the federal courts such that a payday for judges occurred under a lapse of judicial appropriations. It is actually pretty funny to imagine a federal judge bringing suit under the Article III and having the case being heard by … a federal judge. One obvious statutory fix for this would be to create a permanent appropriations for federal judge salaries. They are mandatory money anyway—constitutionally mandatory, that is—so it’s not like you’d be reducing any congressional power-of-the-purse authority.

How often have there been shutdowns?

There have been 16 lapses in appropriations of a day or longer since FY1977. The last three were two in FY1996, that lasted 5 and 21 days, respectively, and one in FY2014 that lasted 16 days. It’s not clear how many actual shutdowns there have been.

Wait, there’s a difference between a lapse in appropriations and a shutdown?

Yes, a pretty dramatic one.

Now you’re just fucking with us.

No, this important. A lapse in appropriations occurs as soon as Congress has not provided budget authority and Treasury cannot constitutionally disburse funds. But prior to the Civiletti opinions in 1980 and 1981, agencies generally continued to operate as normal during periods of expired appropriations. And even after the Civiletti opinions, many of the short lapses in appropriations did not result in agencies shutting down; the combination of the lapses occurring on weekends and the expectation that they would be resolved shortly led many agencies to take no action. It’s actually pretty hard to tell form the historical record what happened in most of the short funding lapses in the 1980s; some agencies began earnestly shutting down, others did nothing, some did something in between.

The only actual widescale shutdowns in the post-Civiletti era are two FY1996 shutdowns (5 days and 21 days) and the FY2014 shutdown (16 days).

Ok, so what does an agency do to actually “shut down”?

OMB provides clear guidance on the procedures for this in Circular No. A-11 and other public and non-public documents provided to agencies. Agencies are required to maintain contingency plans for funding gaps including decisions about what activities are exempt from the ADA and what employees will be furloughed or designated as exempted; OMB provides guidance for both short (less than 5 days) and longer lapses in appropriations. Once a lapse has occurred, agencies are not allowed to perform activities that would violate the ADA but must perform activities related to the orderly shut down of operations, including the formal furloughing of employees and the securing of federal records.

For many agencies, these orderly shutdown activities don’t occur until Monday if the lapse occurred after close of business on Friday.

Where can I learn more?

As always, my recommendation is to go the most recent CRS report on the topic (I used to be a co-author of it.) It has all the citations and links you could ever dream of to lead you to the primary source material you need to keep yourself busy for a whole weekend reading about this stuff.

 

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The debacle of the old congressional calendar or: how you know the Constitution wasn’t divinely inspired

Today is the start of the second session of the 115th Congress. Under the 20th amendment to the Constitution, Congress is directed to assemble at least once a year, at noon on January 3rd, unless by law they appoint a different day. The 20th amendment also specifies that the terms of the Representatives and Senators will henceforth begin at noon on January 3rd of odd-numbered years.

Why were all these changes necessary? What calendar did they use before the 20th amendment? What was wrong with that old calendar?

Put simply: the Framers screwed up the calendar. Badly. And their error had enormous consequences for 19th century politics.

There’s a tendency in popular political culture to assign the Framers a laughably extreme degree of reverence, one way or another. In one popular view, they’re treated as god-like figures who could do no wrong and wrote an infallible Constitution. In the other view, they’re or a bunch of rich elites who designed a self-serving barely-democratic government, which rigged the system against the common man and completely sidestepped the obvious moral question of the day.

Obviously, both of those views are silly. But it takes a fair amount of looking to find a more honest assessment of the Framers; that they were reasonably noble but still self-interested representatives, struggling to adjudicate complicated multi-dimensional issues of political power, with little precedent to guide them and no crystal ball to see an utterly unfathomable future, and through part skill and part luck they landed on a pretty darn good constitutional design, which turned out to have a pile of flaws but a basic stability that allowed a modern nation to emerge mostly unscathed, despite being born in the age of both industrial and democratic revolution.

But given the importance of today—the Constitutional meeting day of a new session of Congress—I’m going to focus on one of the flaws.

The ridiculous old federal calendar

Prior to the 20th amendment, the calendar was frustratingly out of sync, with serious consequences. In Article 1, section 4 of the Constitution, the framers wrote that the Congress “shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.” December was chosen, in part, because it was compatible with the agricultural calendar.

The problem arose when the terms of the Representatives, Senators, and President began on March 4, 1789. This created a peculiar situation: the first session of each Congress was set to begin in December of the odd-numbered years, with the Members having been elected a full 13-months prior, in November of the prior even-numbered year. Even worse, the second session of any Congress did not begin until December of the even-numbered year, after the elections had been held for the next Congress (generating the concept of the “lame duck”). Furthermore, the second session was known as the “short session” because it was only 3-months long, leaving little time to do anything besides the appropriations bills.

This had enormous ramifications in the 19th century: during any two-Congress presidential administration, both second sessions were lame ducks, and the first session of the second Congress was conducted with the presidential election looming. As David Potter has written, this tended toward the first-session of the first Congress of an administration being the only real chance for major legislative successes. Dilatory actions in the second session could produce large concessions, as the hard-deadline of March 3 loomed; indeed, an enormous amount of second-session legislation was signed on March 3, often with the President sitting in the Capitol racing to beat a midnight deadline.

Consider the 1860 election: Lincoln and the GOP won in November, with South Carolina seceding on December 20th, 1860. But Lincoln would not be inaugurated until March 4, and the new Congress was not scheduled to meet until December of 1861! (They actually met in special session called by Lincoln on July 4). Instead, a month after the election, Buchanan’s state of the union message was read in the early days of the second session of the 36th Congress, which was left to try to broker a solution to the secession crisis. And a repudiated administration was left to try to solve the winter crisis and developing stare down in Charleston harbor.

How did the Framers screw this up so badly?

So where did the March 4th date come from? Why didn’t the terms of the members coincide with the start date of the session, as they do now?

The framers screwed up.

Thy did not specify on which date the new government of the United States would begin, in part because it was not known how long the ratification of the Constitution would take in the states. Most likely, they thought the ratification of the Constitution would be complete by spring 1788, such that elections could be held during the summer, followed by the selection of Senators and Presidential electors, all in time for the government to begin on the first Monday of December 1788. That way, the terms of the President and Members would correspond to the constitutional calendar, with the first session of each Congress beginning at the same time.

However, the ninth state did not ratify the Constitution until the end of June 1788 and only 11 states had ratified by September. Since there was not enough time to hold elections and begin the new government in December of 1788, the Continental Congress was faced with an unappealing choice:  either delay the start of the still-fragile new government for an entire year (and begin in December 1789) or set a start date for the new government that did not coincide with the constitutionally-set calendar. So on September 13, 1788, the Continental Congress — based on the practical need for time to hold elections and select Presidential electors in the states, as well as a desire not to delay the new government for an entire year — specified the first Wednesday in January 1789 as the day for electors to be appointed in the states, the first Wednesday in February 1789 as the date for the electors to assemble and cast votes for President, and  the first Wednesday in March  as the start day for the new government.

This is a worse problem then it initially appears. Once the new government began on March 4th, the date could only be altered by Constitutional amendment, since the terms of the Representatives, Senators, and President were fixed at exactly two, six, and four years, respectively. (They couldn’t simply shorten the 1st Congress and start the terms of the 2nd Congress in December).  The only plausible remedy would be Constitutional amendment. What the Continental Congress should have done was originally make the date of the terms of the first Members retro-active to December 1788, allowing the 2nd Congress to be elected in summer 1790 and begin in December 1790; instead, the 2nd Congress was elected in summer/Fall 1790, the 1st Congress had its second session beginning in December 1790, the 2nd Congress began its term in March 1791, and the 2nd Congress’s first session began in December 1791.

Had the original vision of the Founders been in place in 1860, Lincoln and the newly elected Congress would have taken control in December 1860, prior to South Carolina secession, and months before Fort McHenry had been rendered a showdown by the inaction of the Buchanan administration and the stalemate in the second session of the 36th Congress. This is not to say that calendar caused the war. But it certainly didn’t help.

The 20th amendment

There’s a folklore belief that the delay between FDR’s election and the his inauguration was what spurred the amendment into being, but that’s largely urban legend: similar proposed amendments had passed the Senate every Congress since 1923, and the successful amendment was out of Congress well prior to the 1932 election, with specific language that it would not go into effect, even if passed, in time for the 73rd Congress.

Why didn’t they fix the problem earlier? One possibility was the old Senate: prior to the ratification of the 17th amendment in 1913, action by the state legislature was needed to pick Senators. But virtually all state legislatures held their sessions early in the calendar year, after Fall elections. If the federal calendar was adjusted to pull the terms of Members back from March into December, there was a real possibility of a large number of absent Senators in the first session, the state legislatures having not yet met.

Well, what about adjusting the start date of the session to match the March 4 term date? That was not possible, either, for an even more basic reason: the weather. I’ll let the Senate Committee on the Judiciary explain that:

[It is true that you could have a session] after the 4th of March, but [this would] not give the new Congress very much time for the consideration of important national questions before the summer heat in the Capital City makes even existence difficult and good work almost impossible. it is conceded by all that the best time for legislatures to do work is during the winter months. Practically all the States of the Union recognize this fact and provide for the meeting of their legislatures near the 1st of January.

More evidence for Nelson Polsby’s air-conditioning theory of American politics!

When the 20th amendment was drawn up and ratified, it also fixed a nagging secondary problem of the old calendar: since the President’s term and the congressional terms were identical, in any case where no one got a majority of the electoral votes and thus Presidential selection was handed to the House, it was the old outgoing House that got to vote, which made little sense. Under the 20th amendment, the Presidential term begins 18 days after the term of the new Congress, allowing the incoming House to choose the President in such a situation.

References

Max Farrand and David Maydole Matteson, The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, vol. 2 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), pp. 197-202 (August 8, 1787).

Worthington C. Ford, ed.,  Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789, vol. 34 (Washington, D.C., 1904-37), pp. 522-523.

Potter, David. The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861, Harper (1977).

United States Congress, Senate, S. Rep. No. 26, 72d Cong., 1st Sess. (Washington: GPO, 1932).

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